Marshall’s Theory of Citizenship

marshals Theory of Citizenshipmarshals possibility of citizenship and its relevance inBritain in 2017Introductionmarshals citizenship theory is concerned with fond rights, pedagogics, and voting. marshalls theory on citizenship is compatible with Britain in 2017 due to the event that schools ar influenced by ideological, economic, and cultural forces, and citizenship considers the flair in which education functions in class formation, deal, capital accumulation, and the legitimation of the privileges of dominant groups (Apple, 20174). In fact, in that respect is no question that schools are institutions of economic and cultural reproduction (Apple, 2017). Similarly, Marshall (2009149) opines that the institutions most closely connected to citizenship and civilisation are the educational system and the fond services. Citizenship has also raised questions on the sense of tender solidarity and integration in any given community (Turner, 1990). Thus, citizenship, and every nouslised version of it, holds relevance immediately. Marshalls theory in particular, has relevance in 2017 due to the fact that there are several distinct forms of citizenship, and each force out be understood by victorious Marshalls vision of citizenship as a whole, rather than a sum of parts. Turner(1997) n 1s that society is faced with two contradictory principles scarcityand social solidarity. Scarcity results in exclusionary events such as genderdivisions, social classes, and status groups, whilst social solidarity requirescohesive community structures, regardless of ones social stand (Turner,1997). Gender divisions are the one area that Marshalls theory on citizenshipfails to consider. Inaddition to the above characteristics of Marshalls theory, Marshalls theoryon citizenship considered legal rights as the first form of citizenship(Turner, 1997). In the 19th century, political rights and theirinstitutionalisation in parliament was Marshalls second fancy of citizenship(T urner, 1997). Next, Marshall rememberd that citizenship was related to socialrights, and that those social rights were institutionalised in the offbeat pronounce (Turner, 1997). When considering these three forms of rights, Marshallargued that citizenship mitigates the inequalities created by capitalism(Turner, 199711). Marshall referred to modern industrialist capitalistsocieties as hyphenated societies, due to the fact that such societies havesome degree of democratic redistribution of wealth by the institution ofcitizenship.Marshallstheory on citizenship relies on post-war societies and their relationshipsbetween social class, welfare, and citizenship (Turner, 1997). At the heart ofMarshalls theory on citizenship is identity. For instance, contemporaryBritain has faced anxiety in granting unconditional universal citizenshipto Hong Kong nationals (Turner, 1997). Turner (19977) describes this conceptas social closure in which citizenship is determined on aninclusion/exclusion basis, in an attempt to exclude extinctsiders and drive outdiversity. The idea of social closure is exempt a pervasive concept in 2017, asevidenced by Brexit. Openness to diversity and difference is an infixedcomponent of a liberal democracy (Turner, 1997), yet the sentiment of some UK citizensis in conflict with the idea of diversity. Brexit and immigration are discussedlater in the essay. critical review of Marshalls TheoryMarshallstheory of citizenship has been criticised for being Anglocentric andevolutionist (Mann, 1987). Mann (1987) suggests that emphasis should be placedon understanding ruling class interactions and anciens rgimes rather than risingbourgeois and proletarian classes, which has been the status quo in previouspolitical studies (Mann, 1987).Othercritics discount Marshalls concept of citizenship due to the fact that histheories were developed in the mid 70s (Bulmer & Rees, 1996) and the post-WorldWar II political dynamic is much different than it is at once. part this whitethorn bethe case, it does non negate the fact that Marshalls lived experiences as aprisoner in Germany and as a social worker, provides a knowledge and culturethat potful only be subsumed from such experiences. Such experiences can betriangulated to the adversity that many UK citizens feel today it is non anoverseas war that many in the UK are fighting- it is an internal war at whichthe allow of the underclass of Britain and Britains diminishing middle-class isthreatened.It isarguable that Marshalls theory on citizenship will always have relevance,whether it is in the year 2017, 2060, or later. For instance, in 1978, somescholars pointed out that the concept of citizenship had gone out of fashionamongst political thinkers (Kymlicka & Norman, 1994). Yet, 15 long time later,citizenship has become a buzz word in political discourse (Kymlicka &Norman, 1994). Considered even minimally, it is arguable that Marshalls theoryis relevant in a cyclical nature. During certain points in time, it could bemore relevant than in other time periods, although the concept itself is alwaysrelevant. Marshall has considered the entitlements of economic structure andcapitalist society (Turner & Hamilton, 1990 199), and these concepts willalways be a constant. Social Class & Welfare ReformSocialclass, like citizenship, is a system of in equality (Marshall, 2009). Thus,Marshalls theory on citizenship takes account of the impact of citizenship onsocial class (Marshall, 2009). In fact, Marshall (1950) notes that citizenshipand social class are in conflict. The paragraphs below discuss social class andwelfare reform.Socialwelfare reform has been a central part of Britains political agenda sinceMargaret Thatchers policies of the materialistic government (McLaughlin, 2000).Thatchers social welfare reforms included less governmental intervention andless social assistance so as to allow citizens to be more active in theirsocial and economic standing. Thatchers policies al so known as Thatcherismencouraged greater citizen freedom and free market (McLaughlin, 2000). The ideaof a free market is in line with Marshalls view on citizenship. FollowingThatchers policies, the Labour government reinvented social welfare after their1997 win (McLaughlin, 2000). Given the stark contrast between the Conservativegovernments policies and the Labour Partys policies, it is arguable thatMarshalls understanding of citizenship is very much relevant to todaysBritain.Marshallshypothesis rested on an economic calculation that the cost of providingeducation for all would increase a countrys productivity (Marshall, 1950 6).Although Marshalls hypothesis was calculated at a time in which strong-armlabour was heavily utilised, affordable access to education is a concept thatmany in Britain worry about (Yuan & Powell, 2013). While Liberals and theLabour Party defend for more social services such as education bursaries andgrants for lower income families, Conservatives hold the v iew that educationshould not be a part of the social welfare system (Counts, 1978). Thus, this isthe very notion of citizenship in which minimal access to education furtherwidens inequality and inequality is mutually correlated with citizenship.Inequality is inversely correlated with citizenship due to the fact that thehigher the inequality that exists, the lower the participation of citizenship,due to the fact that individuals faced with economic hardship are less likelyto pick out (Rosenstone, 1982). Arguably, the higher the citizenship, the lower theinequality of citizenship.Priorto the Labours win in 1997, the Labour Party stated that welfare reform wouldbe one its major campaign promises that it kept (Powell, 2000). The Laboursrhetoric was said to be a new and distinctive method that differed from boththe old left over(p) and the new right (Powell, 2000). At the heart of the partyscampaign, however, was the need for social change and reform. Marshallsconcept of citizenship i s relevant to that period and todays period due to thefact that social reform is still a heavily debated concept in 2017.Anotherelement that points to the relevance of Marshalls theory on citizenship iswelfare malingerer. Welfare fraud is a hot-button topic for many political campaigns,despite its occurrence on a lessened scale. The British existence believes that 27%of the UKs welfare budget is lost to fraud (Trade Unions Congress, 2013) whilethe governments records of funding lost to welfare fraud is 0.7% (TUC, 2013).And according to a poll conducted by the Trades Union Congress (TUC), Ministersshould not assume that ballotingrs will continue to support Ministers devices to capwelfare benefit rises. The TUCs research further notes that electors who areleast able to provide accurate results on benefits are most likely to back thegovernments plan to cut benefits (TUC, 2013). The poll results paint a bleakpicture on citizen perception on unemployment. For instance, the TUC poll showsthat once citizens learn that the benefits cap will concern workers in low paidjobs the most, support moves away from the government (TUC, 2013). The pollalso demonstrated that 61% of individuals polled believed that 41% of theentire welfare budget goes to lazy people, while the true figure is 3%(TUC, 2013). Overall, the results of the poll demonstrate that misconceptionson poverty and unemployment are what fuel misleading news stories andsensationalised campaign points. This is relevant to Marshalls notion ofcitizenship because people need to understand the real causes and issuesplaguing social welfare and unemployment welfare fraud is not one of them. Byremaining uninformed, an electorate may very well vote against their betterinterests, and in turn, this foster inequality. Marshall (1950) suggested thatit was the states social responsibility to help the working class and wretched toutilise their political and civil rights, and this can only be accomplishedwith an informe d voter base. This is especially true due to the fact that cutsin social security programs have disproportionately affected women (Shelley& Gavigan, 2004). Cuts to these programs have affected single mothers inparticular (Shelley & Gavigan, 2004). Shelley and Gavigan (2004) make acritical point when they note that universe discourse and social images onwelfare fraud erroneously link poverty and welfare to crime.Brexit & ImmigrationPriorto Brexit, many political analysts suggested that the determining actor onattitudes for leaving or staying in Britain was immigration, while otherssuggested that the determining factor was the advantage versus the disadvantageof EU membership (McKee & Galsworthy, 2016). Although Brexit took placein 2016, the effects of the vote are apparent in 2017.Tiedto Brexit is immigration. As immigration is a global concern, minority groupsand liberal assimilationist concepts of citizenship have dominated politicaldiscourse. The same can be said for Britains im migration problem.Thepublic vote to leave the EU brought about issues of citizenship and otherness(Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). In fact, a poll conducted by the BritishElection Study (BES) demonstrated that anti-immigration rhetoric shaped publicsupport for Brexit (Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). For instance, increases inthe rate of immigration in the UK were key predictors of the vote for Brexit(Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). It is not strike that Britain has takenissue with immigration for several years. journalists and reporters have seenincreased attacks on EU migrants and minorities in record number, and itappears that this problem has only increased subsequent to Brexit (Goodwin& Milazzo, 2017). supercharge to the violence and anti-immigrant sentiment, theanger and xenophobia against immigrants are expected to become more intense(Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). Inconsidering the other side of the argument, Marshalls theory may not be as relevantto the year 2017 due to the fact that Marshalls t heory focused on the exerciseof political power and voter turnout for Brexit was low (Goodwin & Heath,2016). Marshall noted that citizens exercise participation of political powerby voting, and if citizens do not exercise this right, they cannot be said tobe involved in the political process. Arguably, a lack of participation pointsto apathy or hopelessness. Marshall argued that citizenship is a statusbestowed on all those who are unspoilt members of a community. (Marshall,195028). Such members carry out their responsibilities by voting andcompleting civic obligations. On the other hand, Banks (2008) theory oncitizenship which is still evident in todays society is similar to Marshallsnotion of citizenship as Banks rejects assimilation, arguing that citizenshipshould reflect diverse cultures and languages. Further, diverse groups rightscan aid individuals in attaining structural equality.Education ReformEducationreform has been a hot button issue for the past 20 years (Torres, 1998) .Education reform and citizenship are interrelated concepts due to the fact thatcitizens exercise their rights to vote on education. Education is not only ahuman right, but it is a concept that is at the forefront of the electorate.While some authors note that the discussion of schools in the UK remainmarginal to the policy process or they are heard minimally through teachingunions (Bowe, Ball, & Gold, 2017), the consensus is that educational reformis an important campaigning point, and this is acknowledged by politicalpundits.Anotherreason why education reform and citizenship are link is because the socialdivision of labour and educational systems are connected. This is in line withMarshalls theory on citizenship due to the fact that discussions oneducational reform have centred around schools and their ability to reduce thedivision of labour and lessen existing inequality (Apple, 2017).The UKs Housing CrisisThecurrent lodgement crisis in the UK is another issue that is related t ocitizenship, due to the fact that it is a social phenomenon that the electorateholds a stake in. The housing crisis also exacerbates inequality, andinequality is a fundamental educational activity of citizenship, as noted by Marshall.Thehousing crisis in the UK is a problem that began after World War II (Gurran& Whitehead, 2011). Post-war planning legislation was instated in secernate toensure that there was adequate supply of housing land, but much of thelegislation failed to account to for Britains growing population (Gurran &Whitehead, 2011). Since the passing of such legislation, there has been awidening gap between housing demand and supply in the UK, leading to thehousing crisis (Gurran & Whitehead, 2011). The question of whetherMarshalls theory on citizenship pertains to todays housing crisis in the UK,rests on government intervention. While Marshall was largely against stateintervention in some respects, Marshall back up the state using its power foreducation and basic a ssistance (Marshall, 1950). Proponents of improved andaffordable housing conditions suggest that the government should vigorously beinvolved in the planning process and provide adequate housing provisions forlow-income households (Gurran & Whitehead, 2011). While Conservativesbelieve that the private market should be able to balance development and theinterests of the UK citizens, Liberals believe that state intervention willprovide equitable and socially beneficial forms of housing for those that aremost in need (Gurran & Whitehead, 2011). Gurran and Whitehead (2011) arguethat state intervention is the only solution that will ease the housing crisisdue to the fact that less land will be available for activities that generate prejudicial externalities, resulting in higher housing prices, whilst more landwill be available for uses that include greater social benefit. Stone (2006)also notes that affordable housing is a social issue that must take account ofcurrent incomes in the UK. A ffordable housing can mean subsidised housing andliveable housing conditions (Stone, 2006). Thus, Marshalls theory wouldinclude support for affordable housing, given the inequalities that exist inthe housing shortage.FeminismAsfeminism has gained move in the last 20 years, so has the quest for equality(Brooks, 1997). Postmodern feminism and citizenship moves beyond the mainlywhite, male, middle-class perspective that much of history has been found on. Further,the absence of gender causes problems for understanding citizenship (Walby,1994). Walby (1994) argues that discussions on citizenship must consider theways in which gender can be integrated into citizenship (Walby, 1994). Thus,citizenship must consider a dynamic theory of gender relations and politicalcitizenship that destabilises patriarchy and restores equal citizenship (Walby,1994).Somescholars note that Marshalls theory of citizenship is not applicable todaybased on Marshalls linear view on citizenship. These scholars arg ue thatMarshalls perspective on citizenship is that of a white, heterosexual male,and that it does not take account of minorities, women, lesbians, orhomosexuals (Turner, 2009).Lister(2003) notes that active citizenship can be accomplished by questioning deeplyentrenched dichotomies and understanding the more imperious forms of active citizenshipwhich are dominated by political agendas. The other way that active citizenshipcan be accomplished is by refusing to accept unfounded definitions andconstructions of insiders and outsiders in relation to individual rights oncitizenship, and this requires a deep regard for gender equality.Postmodernistfeminist also allows issues of child care, education, and work-life balance tobe considered as a matter of both genders, despite those issues beingconsidered as female issues. Lister (2003) has allowed poor gendered versionsof citizenship to be questioned, which is what Marshalls theory on citizenshipfails to do.ConclusionWhile Marshalls theory on citizenship focused mainlyon the free market, Marshall also considered with the inequalities that camewith citizenship. On this end, Marshalls theory is still applicable to Britainin the year 2017, due to the fact that inequalities linked to citizenship stillexist in Britain. The housing crisis has also demonstrated the applicability ofMarshalls theory. Brexit has demonstrated that there is anti-immigrantsentiment, despite the fact that the selling point for joining the EU was thefree movement of people and goods. The one area that Marshalls theory oncitizenship may not apply to, is feminism.In regards to gender and inequality, the negativehistorical treatment of poor women on welfare have clouted public discourse(Shelley & Gavigan, 2004) on the real social welfare issues. Thecriminalisation of poverty in Britain raises theoretical questions on theregulation and control of Britains welfare state. Thus, Marshalls theory oncitizenship fails on this particular point due to the fact that Marshallsperspective considers that of the white male, while largely ignoring women andtheir struggle and position as second-class citizens. As citizenshiphas re-emerged as an issue which is central to political concerns regarding healthcare,education, and social security (Turner, 1990), it must also consider the fightfor equality and feminism- otherwise, citizenship is not truly considered inits totality.BibliographyApple, M.W. 2017. Cultural and Economic Reproduction inEducation Essays on Class, Ideology, and the State (London Routledge).Banks, J.A.2008.Diversity, Group Identity, and Citizenship Education in a international Age. Educational Researcher, 37(3), 129-139.Bowe, R., Ball, S.J., Gold, A. 2017. 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